A mix of ecology, culture, business

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INQUIRER NORTHERN LUZON
Inquirer Northern Luzon : A mix of ecology, culture, business
By Maurice Malanes
Philippine Daily Inquirer
Posted date: September 16, 2009

TUBLAY, Benguet—Like a 100-year-old man, Baguio City, which just celebrated its centenary, must be sought for its wisdom in urban development.

But the traffic, land zoning, squatting woes, garbage and central business district congestion are getting harder to manage than ever. The city born out of a colonial American-initiated mining boom in neighboring Benguet towns at the turn of the century is no longer seen as a model for urban development.

So couple Wilson and Narda Capuyan made a wise move when they embarked on a business enterprise, which is away and different from the usual sights and smell of an already congested place.

Just more than a 30-minute drive from Baguio is the Capuyans’ Winaca Eco-Cultural Village, a 31-hectare forested enclave in Tublay town in Benguet, which mixes ecology, healthy dining, Cordillera culture, adventure and pure, clean fun.

They acquired a five-hectare property in 1984, which was foreclosed by a bank, until they eventually bought the adjoining lots, which remain forested until now.

Here, birds chirp, cicadas and crickets sing, a nearby spring and brook murmur, and trees and bamboos sway with the wind.

Terraced and flat areas are devoted to organic gardens, which teem with lettuce, carrots, broccoli, cauliflower, cabbage and herbs, such as coriander, parsley, mint and wheat grass.

Interspersed with some of the trees are fruit-bearing ones, such as lemons and oranges.

These gardens and orchards supply the ingredients of organic recipes served fresh at a restaurant within the eco-cultural village.

Products from the gardens are also sold at the couple’s other business outlets, such as Narda’s Trading Center in Baguio. The center also has a restaurant, which sources its vegetables from the eco-cultural village.

Elderly visitors may just want to relax and chat over cups of Arabica coffee or glasses of wheat grass or carrot juice after a meal at the village’s café and restaurant.

But the Capuyans made sure the young would enjoy some adventure at the hiking trail, hanging bridge and cove.

Both young and old guests can also be treated to, if not participate in, cultural shows at a natural amphitheater.

Guests can learn to sing or chant Cordillera tunes and dance to the beat and rhythm of drums and gongs.

The village has a place for those who want to stargaze before they retire at their tents, which they can install at a camping ground.

Or they can share poems, puzzles, prayers and promises with an Igorot elder around an evening bonfire at a dap-ay (a circular meeting venue where people can sit on stones) in the yard of a Sagada hut.

In December last year, Wilson transported to the village the grass-thatched hut, where he was born 62 years ago in Sagada town in Mt. Province. He and his workers reconstructed the dap-ay, where, as a boy, he listened to stories and advice from elders.

He bought other native huts from Benguet, Ifugao and Kalinga. He seeks to complete a representation of the traditional houses from each of the Cordillera provinces, including Abra and Apayao.

“Winaca” means “bound by vine” (its root word, waca or waka, is the Kankanaey term for vine). Winaca also binds the first syllables of the Capuyans’ first names and surname.

But there’s more to Winaca, which, an elder says, represents the business and development philosophy of the Capuyans.

“The Winaca philosophy of human living stresses on developing human resources, building environment-friendly communities and establishing a seat of clan culture to which the young can trace their roots,” says Ventura Bilot, an elder and cultural consultant of the Capuyans.

He describes the Capuyans as coming from humble roots and who developed a “down-to-earth discipline.”

“As true disciples of Kabunian (Igorot term for God) spirituality, Wilson and Narda are responsible trustees to the land,” says Bilot.

Wilson, an engineer, is guided by what Bilot calls the “Winaca formula” of development.

The eco-cultural village is also a real estate business so portions of the area are up for sale for those who wish to build their homes or rest houses within the forested enclave.

But there are conditions and terms for those seeking to build their homes here. One is that Winaca management takes care of the construction so it ensures that “green architecture and engineering” are followed, says Wilson.

This means avoiding cutting trees and moving earth when building a house. A lot must be at least 750 square meters and a house must be built only on a small portion. The bigger portion must be allotted to trees and other vegetation, says Wilson.

Houses cannot also be built in portions with steep slopes. These are instead reserved as part of the enclave’s forest area.

As part of his “green architecture,” Wilson incorporates indigenous materials, such as rono reeds for ceiling and as accents for walls and cabinets and other furniture.
Narda, a native of Besao town, also in Mt. Province, seeks to continue promoting Igorot weaving and other crafts by employing weavers right in the village.

This initiative continues the success story of Narda’s Handwoven Arts and Crafts, which started in 1970 in La Trinidad, Benguet. From weaving blankets from recycled acrylic yarns, Narda moved on to weaving items for home furnishing, fashion and accessories.

Before Facebook, Benguet had ‘man-ayag'

Before Facebook, Benguet had ‘man-ayag’
By Maurice Malanes
Philippine Daily Inquirer
Posted date: September 02, 2009

KIBUNGAN, BENGUET, Philippines—Each summer until the 1970s in Benguet, a man on errand called the man-ayag would go to another village or town, if not another province, to invite relatives to attend a festive and religious ceremony called the sida.

He had to carefully watch his way, always looking for signs that could mean success or failure in his mission.

If he would see a flock of birds of various species (locally called the kekesyag and the kalimbabanga) led by a brown, dark gray bird called the lapit or the labeg flying ahead as though leading him, this was considered a good sign. It meant that he would be able to return to his village with a big group of relatives to partake of the sida.

But if the birds crossed his path as if blocking him, he must rethink his task and return to his village to discuss with elders when to resume his journey.

Elders viewed these signs as precautions or warnings for both the man-ayag and the people he would invite. For them, the signs should be auspicious to ensure a smooth and safe trip.

The sida was usually hosted by a family, which prospered in livestock raising and upland farming. As a religious rite, it was a way by which family members would thank the gods and the spirits of their ancestors, who were believed to have given them their bounty.

The sida would also be done when a family member gets sick. The family had to hold the elaborate event to appease the gods and spirits.

Animals, usually pigs and cattle, were offered during the festivity. Tapey (rice wine) flowed as people danced the tayaw and the sadong to the beat and rhythm of gongs and the solibao, an indigenous drum made up of an elongated hollow wood and cow hide cover.

The sida also served a social function, as people discovered relatives while tracing common ancestors.

Defining wealth

The festive rite indicated social status. The more feasts people hosted, the more they were looked up to as the community’s rich.

But they gained respect not because of their accumulated wealth but how much they had given to and shared with relatives and the community.

They lived as simple as their neighbors—they did not have mansions but grass-thatched, single-room huts like those of the other families. The only difference was that their abode would be adorned by the skulls of pigs, which were offered as sacrifices to the gods and spirits, and reminders of how much of their possessions they had shared.

The sida tradition, also called the pedit, is very rarely practiced now because people just can no longer afford it. It is withering away with the introduction of Christianity and the attraction of modern education.

Replacing the sida is the clan reunion, during which members contribute to buy food and gather in a clan leader’s house, on the grounds of a rented school, or inside an auditorium to trace roots and socialize.

Instead of the man-ayag of old, clans now have designated leaders who use mobile phones and AM radio stations to invite members to attend the reunions, which are usually held during summer or Christmas holidays.

They have yet to use Facebook and other Internet social networks because not all clan members have online access.